Original Research••

Stakeholders’ engagement with law to address gender-based violence in Southwest Nigeria: a qualitative study using normalisation process theory to explore implementation challenges

Abstract

Background Sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV) is a significant issue in Nigeria. In 2015, the Federal Government of Nigeria enacted the Violence Against Persons Prohibition Act (VAPP) to address all forms of violence. This study explored the challenges faced by stakeholders in implementing VAPP for the reduction of SGBV in Nigeria.

Methods Qualitative data were collected from 29 state and non-state actors, including government officials, police and lawyers in Lagos and Oyo States through informant interviews and using normalisation process theory. Data collection involved a review of policies and programmes and their experience regarding the implementation of VAPP.

Findings The implementation of the VAPP Act faces several challenges, including prolonged delays in the family court system, insufficient human resources, bureaucratic obstacles, impunity, overcrowded shelters and inadequate protection for survivors and witnesses. These issues often lead to delays and stalling in securing justice for survivors.

Conclusion The effective implementation of antiviolence laws requires overcoming significant obstacles. Collaboration among stakeholders, adequate funding and resources are critical to ensuring timely justice and reducing SGBV in Nigeria.

What is already known on this topic

  • The implementation of Violence Against Persons Prohibition Act (VAPP) law is often fraught with various challenges.

  • All stakeholders are critical to the successful implementation of the VAPP law and other Sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV) policies.

What this study adds

  • While respondents acknowledged that a variety of stakeholders were cooperating closely and were actively involved in implementing the SGBV law, the critical role of non-governmental organisations (NGOs) was under-recognised.

  • Delays in the judicial system, despite the establishment of an official family court to expedite prosecution, contributed to the ineffectiveness of the SGBV laws.

  • The lack of adequate shelter for survivors, especially for young women, makes revictimisation a constant experience.

  • Collective action of stakeholders was a progressive system, but the unrecognised support of NGOs in addressing SGBV and formulating policies that enable survivors to seek justice weakened the impact of the policy.

How this study might affect research, practice or policy

  • The cooperation of all stakeholders, including non-state actors, is crucial in the fight against SGBV. Public awareness of the law and the consequences for perpetrators will reduce impunity and family interference to allow the law to take its course.

  • Swift adjudication serves as a deterrence to potential perpetrators and sends a positive signal for policy implementation.

  • There is a need for provisions of improved funding and adequate shelter for GBV survivors as well as adoption of the survivors-centred approach in the implementation of the laws.

Background

Laws and policies are often considered critical for protecting women and girls against sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV). Globally 1 in 3 women, approximately 736 million, have experienced physical or sexual violence—a statistic that has remained largely unchanged over the past decade.1 Younger people are at higher risk, with one in four young women aged 15–24 years who have been in relationships already experiencing violence from an intimate partner by the time they reach their mid-20s.1 Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) is estimated to have the highest prevalence of violence against women among the regions in the world. According to the United Nations, 162 countries have passed laws on domestic violence, and 147 have laws on sexual misconduct in the workplace.2 However, only 37% of countries in SSA have passed laws on domestic violence.3 On the other hand, the existence of laws does not mean that the laws are always compliant with international standards or implemented effectively in various countries.

In 2015, the United Nations established the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs); SDG 5.2 aims to eliminate violence against women,4 with Target 5.2.1 focusing on eliminating all forms of violence against women and girls in the public and private spheres. The United Nations system has specified ‘justice and policing’ as part of the essential service package for women and girls subject to violence alongside health and social services; the services are expected to be coordinated at both the national and local levels.5 Although many countries around the world have made efforts to provide basic services to combat violence, legal protection for victims of sexual violence has been limited.6 In particular, there are significant gaps in legislation in the Middle East, North Africa and SSA, where half of the women lack legal protection.6 The lack of criminal sanctions for perpetrators compounds the experience of women and girls who have experienced violence. As statistics show, about 1.5 billion women in education, 362 million in the workplace and 2.2 billion in public spaces are not protected from sexual harassment.6 Along with legal authorities, the police are responsible for prosecuting any form of violence through the courts. However, despite the existing framework of essential services, the impact of such efforts is low. Cultural norms around violence, which are deeply ingrained in many societies,7 deterred progress. For instance, there are strong cultural norms around stereotyped masculinity among male police officers, which explains their inaction to report8–10 or prosecute any violence they witness. In addition, only a few police stations offer night services, thereby limiting the accessibility of survivors of violence to legal support and/or redress. A systematic review by Sabri et al highlighted that the key components of interventions that are effective at addressing victimisation and perpetration across levels were education or psychoeducation, psychotherapy, skills development, gender transformative activities, community engagement, a focus on men and/or partners and health promotion activities such as HIV or STI prevention.11

In addition, non-state actors, civil society organisations (CSOs) including non-governmental organisations (NGOs) as well as religious leaders play important roles in combating GBV. For example, if they are adequately knowledgeable, religious leaders can be engaged in promoting awareness, education and counselling on GBV. They can also provide the needed impetus and support to people in the community to promote the implementation of relevant law.12 Over the years, NGOs around the world, including SSA, have made extensive contributions to the fight against GBV through the use of interventions such as training, counselling, activism, advocacy, community mobilisation and direct health services.13 However, NGOs have recorded many challenges in addressing GBV, such as lack of resources, lack of transformational programmes regarding gender norms and limited communication technologies to address cyberviolence.14 Other challenges included delays in the prosecution of perpetrators or offenders, as well as bribery and corruption among law enforcement officials.14

Like in many other settings, intimate partner violence as a subset of GBV is prevalent in Nigeria, with a lifetime estimate of 22.2% according to the 2018 Nigeria Demographic and Health Survey (NDHS) and a 13% prevalence over the past 12 months before the survey.15 Studies have shown that the incidence and prevalence of violence against women and girls increased during the COVID-19 pandemic and other emergencies. Studies also showed that health and judicial support services for GBV were often unavailable during such unplanned crises in several SSA countries.16 17 Several efforts have been initiated in Nigeria to address the challenge of the GBV, including legislative/legal, policy, advocacy, educational and health-related interventions. The existing national policies include the National Gender Policy (2022) while the Violence Against Persons Prohibition Act (VAPP) (2015) is one of the most significant national laws VAPP targets the elimination of violence in private and public life. It prohibits all forms of violence against persons, provides maximum protection and effective remedies for victims, and punishes offenders.18 Before VAPP, two states—Lagos and Ekiti—enacted VAPP-like laws; specifically, Lagos State enacted the Lagos State Prohibition Against Domestic Violence Law (PADVL) in 2007. 35 states have adopted the VAPP Act (or its equivalent as in the case of Lagos and Ekiti States)19 as at the end of 2023.20 Prior to VAPP, Nigeria passed the Child’s Rights Act (CRA) in 2003, which addressed, among other issues, the issues of child marriage and child abuse of all forms; By the end of 2023, 35 states have adopted this Act while only 32 assented to it.21

The judiciary is primarily responsible for the interpretation of the law, but many other state and non-state actors are involved in its implementation process. While the review of the implementation of the VAPP is scarce in the extant literature, studies have generally reported poor implementation of the CRA with associated factors including law-related causes, a weak administrative system and corruption.22 Cultural and religious beliefs have been identified as major obstacles to the implementation of CRA, particularly in the northern part of the country. Also, many of the state governments have not demonstrated adequate political will to the implementation of the laws and, among others, did not provide the needed resources that are needed for effective implementation. Poor knowledge of the laws among relevant professionals has also been identified in the literature.23

This study examined the responsibilities and challenges faced by stakeholders in implementing laws available for GBV in two neighbouring States in southwestern Nigeria. These are the VAPP Act of 2015,18 ‘the Lagos State PADVL of 2007,24 and the CRA of 2003’.25 The major part of the three laws addresses violence against people, children, girls and women, which relate to GBV. To gain insight into the role of these laws and the challenges encountered in their implementation process, we conducted a qualitative study involving GBV stakeholders.

Methods

Study setting and design

This study used a cross-sectional research design and qualitative approach to elicit information from stakeholders on challenges faced in the implementation of laws against GBV in Nigeria. We conducted the study in two neighbouring states in the southwest geopolitical zones/region of the country, Lagos, Ikeja being the capital of Lagos State and Ibadan being the capital of Oyo States, which are the two States with the largest population in the southwest region. Lagos and Oyo have sociocultural and political similarities, the indigenous population is from the same Yoruba ancestry, and both states have enacted laws on GBV. Oyo officially adopted the Violence Against Persons (Prohibition) Act (VAAP) law in 2020,26 and, as noted earlier, Lagos passed its ‘Protection Against Domestic Violence Law’ (PADL) in 200724 and is still in force. VAPP is very similar to PADL in several dimensions. Both states have adopted the Child Rights Act (CRA). The Criminal Law of Lagos State 2011 and the CRA of 2003 are used to prosecute offenders in Lagos State. Oyo State uses the CRA of 2003 with the VAPP Act for the prosecution of perpetrators.

Study population and sampling

The study obtained data through key informant interviews (KIIs) with 29 stakeholders, both state and non-state actors, between July and October 2023. The purposive method was used to sample the stakeholders who participated in the study, with emphasis being placed on those who are most likely to be knowledgeable about the GBV situation in the study states and the implementation of various interventions, including laws relating to GBV. Before recruiting participants, stakeholder mapping was conducted to determine which organisations, groups of people and individuals were involved in the response to GBV in Nigeria and, specifically, the study locations.27 The study identified three key informants through stakeholder mapping. A further referral was used to identify others on the GBV response team, such as government agencies, NGOs and individuals like religious leaders. Theoretical saturation28 29 was reached after satisfactory responses were collected, and no new information was received from the stakeholders of either the state or non-state actors.

The state actors who participated in the study included selected officials of the Ministry of Health, Ministry of Justice, Ministry of Women Affairs and Gender Division of the Nigeria Police, Civil Defense Corps, Family Court and Lawyers, particularly from the International Federation of Women Lawyers (FIDA). The non-state actors included representatives of NGOs and religious leaders. All the actors were members of the Domestic and Sexual Violence-Response Team (DSV-RT) in the two states. DSV-RTs are composed of government agencies, NGOs and religious leaders who came together to fight against GBV to synergise actions. However, the Lagos DSV-RT has been upgraded to an agency called DSV-Agency, which is under the office of the state government.

Study conceptual framework

To understand the process of implementing laws against SGBV in Nigeria, with a focus on the study locations, normalisation process theory (NPT) was incorporated into the inquiry.30 31 The NPT framework focuses on the work that individuals, groups, or organisations do to enable interventions such as policies and programmes to become normalised32 and acceptable to people. The NPT framework was used to explore the various challenges faced by stakeholders in the implementation process of the VAPP, PADL and CRA on violence against girls and women in Nigeria. In this study, the NPT refers to the normalisation of the implementation of all laws regarding GBV, that influence activities performed by DSV-RT. Together, this group fights SGBV at different levels through several interventions, including the referral of survivors for health treatment, the provision of shelters, community mobilisation and the prosecution of perpetrators. Normalisation is achieved when the DSV-RT’s roles and activities align with standard requirements for the successful implementation of GBV laws.

The four constructs of the NPT are coherence (or sense-making), cognitive participation (or engagement), collective action (work done to enable the intervention to happen) and reflective monitoring (formal and informal appraisal of the benefits and cost of the intervention). Coherence focuses on how actors or stakeholders involved in the intervention, understand the aims and expected benefits of the intervention. The cognitive domain focuses on the work that stakeholders do or engage in to sustain the intervention. Cognitive participation is central to the engagement of individuals and groups30 among their respective stakeholders. Stakeholders do or engage in the work of sustaining an intervention. Collective action involves the effort put into enabling the intervention to work. This includes interaction with existing parties such as DSV-RT to strengthen it. Finally, reflexive monitoring focuses on the formal and informal appraisal of the benefits of the law against GBV and the cost of such interventions. It also means how non-state actors of DSV-RT understand and assess GBV laws. Individual and group appraisals are used to evaluate the implementation progress. NPT is a theory that fits this study, as it evaluates and measures an intervention’s implementation process. The questions for the KII guide were created using the NPT domains related to the interaction of DSV-RT and the UN essential framework as a basis (detailed NPT constructs, see online supplemental table 1).

In addition, we adapted the implementation of the essential service framework developed by the United Nations Joint Global Programme on ‘Essential Services for Women and Girls Subject to Violence’ to assess the current situation and identify the available services. The three-streamline essential services are health, justice and policing, and social services (see table 1). These three essential service deliveries are characterised by nine components, namely, availability, accessibility, adaptability, appropriateness, prioritisation of safety, informed consent and confidentiality, effective communication and participation of stakeholders in the implementation and assessment of services, data collection, and information management and linking with other agencies through coordination.5 The relevance of this framework is to show that all stakeholders involved in this study were characterised under the essential services provider to respond to victims and survivors of GBV.

Table 1
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'Essential services package’ framework for GBV-related services

Clients and public involvement

The DSV-RT stakeholders who work with survivors at government ministries and NGOs in both states guided the KII on the field. We had dissemination sessions of the findings with stakeholders for feedback on the findings and the way forward on the issue of SGBV in the two locations.

Data collection

With the aid of an interview guide, the data were collected from the stakeholders via electronic tablets using the Open Data Kit (ODK) software package. The first author and a trained researcher who specialised in qualitative data conducted the interviews. Due to the busy schedule of the stakeholders, prior notice was given by mail and through several telephone calls to schedule a time for a meeting in their various offices. A few people who were extremely busy and could not accommodate physical interviews on their schedule at that time were interviewed by Zoom call to avoid further postponement of the interview process. The data were saved directly on a secure server located at the Swiss Tropical and Public Health Institute in Basel, Switzerland.

The NPT domains and essential services package were operationalised into specific questions. The questions generally focused on the involvement of the stakeholders, the roles and the challenges that influence the implementation of laws against GBV. The questions were piloted in Osun State, another State in southwestern Nigeria that was not a part of the study locations. The first author and a research assistant conducted the in-person interviews with field notes and data from all the stakeholders in both locations, which lasted 30–45 min.

Data analysis

The objectives of the study guided the direction of the data analysis. The data collected from stakeholders ODK was transcribed verbatim, and ATLAS.ti (V.8) was used for the data analysis. An inductive approach was used through in-depth reading of the transcripts and iteration process to develop codes and themes. The framework method33 guided the data analysis within the scope of the NPT and Essential Services Framework, and inductive analysis explored themes as they emerged from the data.30 31 33 The data were separately coded by two coders, including the first author, and subsequently validated by one of the coauthors (SM) for intercoder reliability. The essential services framework was considered when coding the data and the data were later reorganised under the appropriate NPT domains model (see figure 1).

Figure 1
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Figure 1

Model outlining the complex reality of implementing Domestic and Sexual Violence-Response Team (DSV-RT) underpinned by normalisation process theory constructs.

Results

The full details of the demographic characteristics of the study respondents are shown in table 2.

Table 2
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Characteristics of the respondents

Coherence

Coherence to the VAPP Act, PADVL and CRA in addressing GBV

Stakeholders in the two locations demonstrated consistency and coherence in their responses concerning the laws in place to address GBV. One of the participants, for example, explained as follows:

…The recent one is the VAPP Act 2015 from the national level, which was adopted in Oyo State as law in 2020. We just showed you; this is it. In addition, truly, we have been getting results, and they can prosecute you with it [ ….]. You know the police will say it is “two fighting”; husband and wife. Hmm hmmm, now it has changed. Therefore, the VAPP law is the one we are using mostly now (KII 13, Lawyer (FIDA), Ibadan).

The non-state actors also demonstrated coherence of the laws and in the case where state actors wanted to deviate from the law, the knowledge of the non-state actors helped to sustain the process of handling GBV cases. As one participant articulated:

Yes, VAPP the law…. is one of the things that has given us an upper hand when we go out to manage GBV cases. We used the judiciary standard of procedures to guide our activities. Therefore, we can put some of the officers through. Okay, this is it; this is what is written in this law book because, as advocates for children and vulnerable persons, we do not want to work outside the law. We prefer our cases to follow due procedures to get justice in our organization. (KII 7, NGO Lagos)

Shared responsibilities among stakeholders in addressing GBV cases

Most of the stakeholders stated their responsibility as essential services to ensure the successful implementation of the GBV laws. Combating SGBV is considered a shared responsibility among stakeholders; each of the participants mentioned what they do to ensure the implementation of the laws by first informing the necessary stakeholders and then describing the process of bringing the perpetrators to justice. Some participants spoke about what they do:

[…] We have embarked on serious dissemination of information, that’s number one. We do many visits to relevant stakeholders and organize seminars, symposiums, and other activities. […] Every department has to know the way to prevent people from suffering [due to GBV]; that is the essence of the Ministry of Women’s Affairs and that is why it affects all other ministries. There is no ministry with which we are not working (KII 14, Ministry of Women Affairs Ibadan).

During the discussions, some participants were specifically asked about the role their organisations were playing in achieving the aims of the VAPP Act and other related laws that aim to provide justice for survivors of GBV at the state and community levels. The non-state actors mentioned various efforts they had taken in the past and in collaboration with government ministries to ensure that, GBV survivors receive the desired attention. A participant from an NGO stated:

In our foundation, if you go to our website, it is there (ie, a copy of the VAPP act). We go to schools to teach students so that they can report [cases of SGBV]; we’re in partnership with the Ministry of Women Affairs Lagos […]. Our legal advocacy includes supporting client rights from case reporting to the closure of the case. When we receive cases from “my child” helplines or referrals, we go to the police station with the victim (ie, a survivor of violence) to reduce the fear of ‘I do not want to go to the police’, and we give the victim legal information. (KII 6, NGO expert Lagos).

Officers of the gender unit of the police force also mentioned their responsibility, which is to ensure that GBV survivors get justice. One of the participants mentioned:

Our responsibility is to write a statement, conduct an investigation, arrest the suspect, and follow up to obtain justice for the survivors (KII 15, female lead, OC Gender Unit of Police Force, Lagos).

Challenges

Despite shared responsibility, several challenges confront the smooth implementation of GBV laws by response teams in both states as mentioned by the participants.

Lack of understanding of the law among citizens and leaders

Respondents in both states noted that many citizens lack knowledge of the law, legal processes and corresponding punishments. As one participant stated,

Awareness of the GBV law to demystify the cultural and religious complexities attached to case reporting is still lacking (KII 6, NGO expert, Lagos).

Corruption among law enforcement agents

Some respondents indicated that inadequate cooperation among law enforcement agents was a major challenge, based on the insufficient knowledge of GBV-related laws on the part of some of them. Although the police force has a gender unit with the responsibility to prevent, protect, investigate and make perpetrators accountable as part of essential service actions, the perspective of respondents was that the overall performance of the police force was generally poor in terms of GBV response. Several respondents, for example, reported corrupt practices on the part of some law enforcement personnel, which compromised their willingness to prosecute GBV perpetrators.

We still have some corrupt officers in the Nigerian police. Once they are bribed, you know they have removed the court charges. At the end of the day, you see the perpetrator flying around… (KII 2, female NGO Lagos)

Some other participants mentioned the involvement of police officers in GBV cases as an opportunity for corrupt practices. A participant responded:

When police officers are involved, their level of corruption during the processing of cases is high, and they try to settle some cases that are meant to go to court. We still have them at most of the stations (KII 7, NGO expert, Lagos).

Some participants claimed that going through the channels of some state and non-state actors to the police to report cases makes the process swift compared with the individuals going directly. A participant, for example, noted:

[…] hmm because at the police station level [there are many cases] of GBV. Well, for example, if you come through us now you might even get justice on time because we are professional lawyers, they will not ask us for money (shishi)… They know we are coming from the top, but if you just go on your own, the policeman on duty can say “kilo se yin” (what happened to you)… are you not an African woman? (KII 13, FIDA Lawyer, Ibadan)

Cognitive participation

Participation/engagement in sustainable intervention

The involvement and commitment of various governmental and non-governmental stakeholders in the implementation of GBV laws were mentioned as crucial. Multisectoral collaborations among stakeholders were highly praised, as they helped establish a cordial relationship and better results. Non-state actors such as NGOs and religious leaders were instrumental in facilitating the easy implementation of GBV laws. They created awareness; provided psychosocial assistance, legal aid and shelter to survivors and conducted community sensitisation programmes, which complemented the efforts of the state actors. These are parts of the social services response to GBV, which is an important aspect of essential service actions in the framework. One of the highlights of NGO involvement was reaching vulnerable communities that state actors typically do not reach.

It was severally mentioned by the study participants that a single arm of state actors alone could not effectively combat GBV in the state; this is in line with the framework of essential services. Thus, it is important to involve a broad group of stakeholders as such fosters knowledge-sharing about the law, cases and prosecution processes. During the discussion, one of the stakeholders emphasised this point:

Yes, you know I told you that we have a unified response, which offers pathway documentation. We work together with the Commissioner for Health, Commissioner for Justice, Commissioner for Women Affairs and Commissioner for Youth and Social Development, Honorable Chief judges, and representatives of the NGOs. This is our commitment to proper documentation [cases] when cases are reported. Therefore, multiple sectoral collaborations exist, and based on that, we are able to do a good job (KII 3, DSV-Agency Lagos).

A response from other stakeholders emphasised the importance of the cognitive participation of stakeholders:

As you know, our own is just to provide justice to survivors, which is our primary aim. […] When there is a need for us to provide care and shelter as the name implies, we refer through the Ministry of Women Affairs, (KII 11, CVD Corps Ibadan)

Challenges

Limited involvement of non-state actors in ensuring effective implementation of laws

Stakeholders have raised concerns about the potential impact of religious/community leaders on the implementation of the laws aimed at combating violence against women and girls. Despite this, they have also acknowledged the critical role that religious/community leaders, who are closer to the community, could play in mediating discussions around GBV. Educating their congregations and community members through effective communication and acting as mandated reporters for GBV cases helps raise awareness of the impact of such violence and the legal consequences that perpetrators may face. However, this cooperation is still limited by a lack of awareness on the part of many religious leaders:

The government needs to enlighten people more, through the right channel of communication. Some people have not even heard about it, someone … like me, I have not even heard about the GBV laws you are talking about now (KII 23, Religious leader Lagos).

No! I do not know any GBV laws. Our lawyer will know that…. (KII 20, female Religious leader, Ibadan)

One of the religious leaders claimed he was aware of the law but stated that the law ‘is for the poor’, as the rich have a way of exempting themselves from the law:

Yes, the law is not having good standing here, and again what is destroying the law in Nigeria is nepotism; he is one of us; we must not do that to him. If it is one of them, they will not do anything about it, which is unfair; the law is law (KII 23, female religious leaders, Lagos).

Collective action

There have been numerous obstacles hindering the collective effort to enforce GBV laws. Among these challenges are inadequate resources, including insufficient funding, human resources and shelter, as well as delayed justice. The government’s limited resources such as poorly designed shelter structures, low awareness of the laws, weak judiciary and policing systems, and low allocation of funds for gender issues, contributed to these difficulties. These negatively affect coordination, which is expected at the national and local government levels and is part of the essential service for responding effectively to violence against women and girls. Furthermore, the lack of accountability (i.e; what is available and what is needed) among stakeholders only exacerbated this issue.

Challenges

Limited financial resources and low budgetary allocation

One of the challenges identified by stakeholders is the constraint of limited resources, which impedes the smooth implementation of laws and the achievement of justice for survivors. NGOs primarily rely on financial aid from international donors, which can be sporadic and uncertain due to the competitive nature of the funding. As such, even a modest increase in financial support from domestic sources can significantly benefit stakeholders' efforts. Consequently, participants opined that collaboration with and provision of support to non-state actors by the government is imperative for achieving improved results in the efforts to end GBV. The representatives of DSV-RT and other agencies also mentioned the challenges of needing resources for day-to-day activities to end GBV:

[…] there are budgetary challenges and budgetary constraints. The fact that we have a budget does not necessarily mean that we will be able to access funds. So that always impedes on more capacity and to respond [and the] delivery and function of the work (KII 3, female lead, DSV-Agency, Lagos).

While a participant from the Ministry of Health emphasises the challenge of budgeting:

[…] of course, there are challenges, I mean in as much as the government wants people to obey the law. There is also the limitation of budgetary allocation to such intervention (KII 4, female lead MOH, Lagos).

Another participant mentioned poor funding in terms of welfare and logistics:

With poor funding, we also have poor funding for welfare and logistics. We have […] lack of provisions for infrastructure for these critical agencies. (KII 10, male lead Family court, Ibadan).

Judiciary system and policing

The judiciary system of the country created the family court to expedite the prosecution process, but the challenge of the structural system persists. One of the essential services of the family court is to provide information about the law and coordinate justice. It was indicated that it usually takes a long time, on the part of government parastatals, to reportedly gather sufficient evidence to prosecute an offender. The minimum time is about a year for a case to get to court, prosecuted and the offender punished. A police official was concerned with the transfer of officers within a short period of time to other stations, which impacts negatively on the effectiveness and timeliness of the justice process, as handing over cases to a new officer takes another round of processes.

Challenges

Delayed justice and protection order

A prolonged delay in obtaining justice leads to a loss of interest in the case by the victims (ie, survivors of GBV) (KII 21, OC Gender Police, Ibadan).

One of the participants from OC gender office of the police force mentioned that the delay of cases due to transfer of personnel is not limited to police officers but also affects other law enforcement officers:

[…] a time the delay comes from us too… Now we are agitating to stop posting us (police force members) up and down within a short period. Maybe they posted an officer to the northern part of the country because we are federal workers, and it will take time for police to give evidence due to sudden changes in location. This also happens to magistrates; they transfer them anyway. Imagine you get to the court they will say is not the magistrate that processed the matter; the matter has been taken to another court; this means starting all over again. These factors affect the inefficiency of prosecution (KII 8, OC Gender Police, Lagos).

During the time of waiting for the court to decide a case, the protection of survivors and witnesses is one of the challenges of handling GBV cases. One of the stakeholders mentioned:

Some of the challenges are the protection of witnesses and survivors. There is a need for a protection order until the final judgment (KII 6, NGO, Lagos).

A respondent from the family court also emphasised the issue of protection order, he said:

I would say lack of protection (is a challenge) (KII 10, male leader Family court, Ibadan).

In addition, concerns about the fact that what survivors want as justice are still not defined makes prosecution difficult. One of the stakeholders mentioned that survivors retreat when they hear that the perpetrators would be jailed, as many of the perpetrators are close acquaintances or breadwinners. They mostly want restitution, compensation and non-repetition from the perpetrators.

Like I said, the woman with three girls sexually molested by her husband, don’t want her husband to be prosecuted, saying he is the breadwinner and a good man who plans to take her children to Army school (KII 15, OC Police Gender Office, Lagos).

Shortage of human resources among state actors

Some stakeholders from state actors recounted the challenges of human resources, as the work to fight GBV is enormous if the laws are to be effectively implemented. Participants noted that some workers have retired while others have resigned for greener pastures and have not been replaced. Additionally, older staff members have limited ability to run around to ensure that GBV issues are promptly addressed.

You know, we do not have enough lawyers. There is still a waiting time because we just do not have enough judges even though there is a special court…. (KII 4, female lead MOJ, Lagos).

Insufficient shelter home for survivors

Participants from various ministries and NGOs mentioned concern about limited shelter spaces in the face of increased reporting of GBV. Most of the reported cases showed the need to keep survivors away from the scene of the violence occurrence for a period (especially children). Unfortunately, the shelter facility provided by the states for SGBV survivors is overcrowded. Additionally, NGOs and CSOs have a limited number of shelters. In addition, the stakeholders mentioned that the shelters used were mostly for children younger than the legal age. As such, 18-year-old adolescents may not be able to find spaces at this age, which increases their vulnerability.

One of the participants noted:

[…] Everything will still go back to the Lagos State government, and now the shelter is overcrowded. They do not accept adolescents; the only children they accept are babies and abandoned babies; but those children are in contact with the law; they do not have shelter to keep them, and we will be forced to return them to their parents (KII 15, OC Police Gender Office, Lagos).

While respondents from Ibadan, Oyo State, mentioned different categories of people who are entitled to shelter because of the limited facilities as follows:

We only have one shelter home for children, but they are in categories because the homes are meant for people without parents, such as abandoned orphans, street children or perhaps children whose mothers or parents are serving jail time, although this is not enough […] (KII 14, male lead, Ministry of Women Affairs, Ibadan).

Another participant mentioned that the standard number of shelters required per district are generally not met by the existing state-owned shelters.

[…] Of course, the law says that we have at least five shelters across the five divisions of offices in the area (KII 3, DSV-Agency, Lagos).

Reflexive monitoring

DSV-RT improves the coordination of GBV interventions for rapid support

Stakeholders emphasised that the establishment of DSV-RT increases commitment to take the action needed to end GBV in both states. Participants—both state and non-state actors—mentioned the involvement of all stakeholders in facilitating the process by supporting survivors through referral mechanisms and the prosecution of perpetrators or redress.

[…] There is also an agency created by this administration—the Lagos State Domestic and Sexual Violence Agency; we also have CSOs, including a lot of NGOs who work on GBV cases. Yes, different agencies, but we work together. The Ministry of Women Affairs is the coordinating ministry for gender, so we coordinate others; we work hand in hand with the Ministry of Youth and Social Development, who are also custodians of social workers in Lagos state (KII 5, female lead Ministry of Women Affairs, Lagos).

Challenges

Inadequate coordination due to societal, individual and institutional challenges

The coordination of stakeholders to enhance the successful implementation of GBV laws can be an intensive experience. Lack of accountability among stakeholders in both states is largely due to poor coordination. The Ministry of Justice is in charge of the laws, while the implementation process involves several other stakeholders. Coordination of the participating groups, which is the responsibility of the Ministry of Women Affairs, could be challenging. The sociocultural and judgmental attitudes of society regarding GBV as well as individual and institutional challenges that confront the progress of the implementation were mentioned:

So I would say we’re confronted with societal challenges…to sabotage reporting/prosecution process, I would say individual challenges….taking rational decisions, I would say institutional challenges….inadequate funding. We are not perfect, and there are lapses. Therefore, we are attempting to reduce these lapses (KII 3, female lead, DSV-Agency, Lagos).

Discussion

The aim of this study was to explore the challenges relating to the implementation of laws against GBV in Nigeria. The researchers used the NPT construct’s four components (coherence, cognitive participation, collective action, reflective monitoring) to structure the analysis and interpretation. Coherence ensures stakeholders involved in the intervention (DSV-RT) towards eradication of SGBV; cognitive participation ensures every stakeholder engages with full participation; collective action ensures sustainable activities from stakeholders that enable the intervention to work while reflective focuses on the appraisal of the DSV-RT and its cost. While the NPT focuses on the process of change, the Essential Services Framework examines the structural conditions in terms of governance, economic and social factors that influence the implementation of the VAAP, the Protection Against Domestic Violence (PADV) Law and the CRA in the fight against GBV.

The study showed that effective collaboration among various state and non-state actors is crucial for achieving the overall goal of ending GBV. Government ministries, NGOs and community leaders have collaborated to work in partnership to address cases of violence against women. Unfortunately, there is a lack of awareness about the existence of this response team among citizens in both study locations. A study of GBV among adolescent girls and young women from Tanzanian also revealed that citizens generally lack awareness of laws or political developments related to GBV, even among survivors.34 Another study from Iraq showed that women have good knowledge of legislation and related laws but lack the boldness and knowledge of how to contact law enforcement agencies.35 This may be because the level of information available by different agencies supporting victims and survivors is still not accessible to people; this finding is in agreement with our findings. Our study supports the previous findings that most stakeholders are aware of the laws and have considerably publicised it to all relevant agencies. Despite this, there is still a low level of implementation among stakeholders because of various challenges.

The evidence suggests that involving critical stakeholders, including citizens, in the implementation of relevant laws is achieved by sharing a coherent perception of their roles, purposes and understanding of the implications. The law needs to be effectively embraced not only among the executors but also, most importantly, among the citizens.36 A programme review and critique on the role of participation and community mobilisation in preventing GBV by Minckas et al highlighted the crucial role played by community mobilisation and participation in preventing GBV and in the long-term sustainability of programmes and policies.37 Similarly, other studies have emphasised the importance of community accountability, collectiveness and possible engagement with perpetrators in effectively addressing GBV.37 38 However, community involvement requires accountability and recognition of the community as the primary point of contact for prevention and intervention, helping community members become central actors.38 39 Equipping community members with the necessary skills to end violence can help facilitate the implementation of laws relating to ending GBV.

Despite the involvement of various actors in the implementation process, the legal process by which perpetrators are appropriately prosecuted to provide survivors with justice remains challenging. Factors associated with this challenge and the community. The Nigerian criminal justice system defines GBV as a crime involving identifiable victims and perpetrators. The system follows a typical process of arresting offenders, prosecuting offenders and punishing offenders. However, our research findings reveal that the criminalisation of perpetrators often results in survivors dropping out of GBV cases. This is because most perpetrators are usually related to the victims, as shown by the NDHS.15 A study showed that inadequate awareness of relevant legal provisions of GBV among women influences their decisions,40 which is consistent with our study. Second, delays in the investigative process and justice delivery experienced by survivors41 can put them at risk of being influenced by family and friends. In most cases, there are no provisions for legal protection after reporting, which puts the lives of survivors at risk of further attacks. Delays in justice delivery are often attributed to structural problems, such as the transfer of officers who were assigned to a particular case of GBV. The transfer of cases means starting all over. This also applies to judges, as recounted by the participants.

Communication is an important aspect of the implementation process. Communication intervention42 is a crucial service that is required at both the individual and community levels for the efficacy of policy intervention. Stakeholders mentioned that most survivors and non-state actors still lack knowledge of the available laws, their implications and their consequences. Other services provided by stakeholders for which survivors are not aware include psychosocial support, healthcare support, shelter and empowerment are not well communicated to the public.

Participants also reported insufficient fund for the GBV response team. There is a lack of appropriate budgeting and inadequate resources to support day-to-day activities. Although most of the services that survivors need are free, they are often confronted with out-of-pocket expenses to finance their travels from their homes to police stations and courts, which can be costly and mostly shouldered by victims themselves. A lack of appropriate budgeting for day-to-day activities can lead to difficulty in sustaining various stakeholders’ ongoing interventions. A scoping review noted that poor accountability (ie; what is available and what is needed) and weak commitment across sectors can limit the effectiveness of interventions.43 However, individual stakeholders’ competency and shared concerns about engaging in interventions can lead to strong accountability and overall achievement in reducing GBV.44 All stakeholders need to implement accountability systems and ensure an understanding of the current laws on GBV that reach the community and government involvement by duly recognising and compensating both state and non-state actors.

One of the important challenges identified by the team is a need for protection of survivors during the prosecution period. It is important to note that not all survivors go directly to a shelter, as some cases may not require it. However, protection orders by law enforcement agencies ensure survivors’ safety, which are not often used. The section 28–36 of the VAPP Act provides an extensive protection order, an official legal document signed by a judge that restrains an individual from further abusive behaviour towards a survivor. A study conducted in Ghana on formal support services and the (dis)empowerment of domestic violence survivors showed that protective orders were necessary for survivor protection.45 The protection order is included in the VAPP Act but is not being used46; this may be due to a lack of information among both survivors and law enforcement agents. This finding corroborates previous studies from FIDA-Ghana on why so few women apply for protection orders47 and that some police officers were also not familiar with the law or its provisions.48 Comprehensive education among law enforcement agents on the relevant laws and the need to emphasise how such laws are used to protect survivors and access to justice should be prioritised.

Limitations and strengths

The limitations of the study are related to its design and settings and should be considered when interpreting the findings. First, the study concentrated only on the opinions of mostly top-level officials in selected state government agencies, NGO personnel and religious/community leaders within the implementation landscape of GBV-related laws. The interviews exempted some other strategic stakeholders, such as those working in international development organisations. Nevertheless, the breadth of opinions on the research question captured valid perspectives of relevant stakeholders. Second, since the study used a qualitative approach, the findings reflected only the stakeholders’ perceptions in the course of their services and not necessarily as government representatives. This study has several strengths. First, the stakeholders were drawn from various sectors actively involved in the implementation of GBV-related laws and their perspectives, therefore, providing robust insight into the experiences and challenges in the implementation of national laws to address GBV. Second, this is the first study, to the best of our knowledge, to have examine the challenges encountered in the implementation of VAPP as a national law to address GBV in Nigeria. Third, this study drew participants from a collaborative multi-sectoral platform that was specifically established to address GBV and related violence—the DSV-RT. DSV-RT is critical to the efforts to reduce GBV in Nigeria. As such, the perspective and experience of its stakeholders provide invaluable and real-life insights that could help in improving efforts to reduce GBV through a more effective implementation of relevant laws. Finally, our study demonstrated the utility of applying the essential service framework and the NPT constructs in exploring stakeholders’ experience and challenges in the implementation of GBV-related laws. Through the NPT, we examined the participation of different stakeholders, including state and non-state actors, in ending GBV. Our analysis identifies factors that either support or impede the implementation process of these laws and to understand better the responsibilities and challenges this DSV-RT-based initiative faces in the context of sustainability and normalisation.

Policy implications

Our research shows that the efforts of DSV-RT are not supported with the necessary resources to carry out the goal of the initiative and highly promising implementation framework. The insufficient workforce, inadequate financial resources, delayed justice, limited number of shelters and the overcrowded nature of the existing shelters tend to limit the potential impact of efforts to reduce GBV in Nigeria, particularly in the study locations. There is a need to address these challenges so as to achieve the desired impact of the laws that are in place to strengthen the national response to GBV in Nigeria. This study has demonstrated the essential role of multisectoral approach involving state and non-state actors in addressing GBV, with the DSV-RT as the convening platform. Multisectoral platforms need effective coordination to achieve the best results, and this is one of the areas that need more attention in Nigeria; the capacity of the Ministry of Women Affairs in its coordinating role must, thus, be strengthened. One of the key realisations from this study is that there is a constant need to interrogate efforts to address GBV so as to understand the challenges that implementors may be encountering and promptly address such to keep the GBV response in the state at optimal levels. Overall, there is a critical need to put in place appropriate monitoring and evaluation systems regarding the implementation of GBV-related laws and other GBV-focused interventions in Nigeria for effective results.

The essential service framework for GBV5 developed by the United Nations provides a robust package of critical actions needed across several sectors to appropriately support the survivors of GBV and ensure survivor-centred multisectoral responses. There is a need for GBV stakeholders in Nigeria, particularly at the policy level, to leverage on the essential service framework to further identify where and in what direction the GBV responses in Nigeria need strengthening in sectoral contexts.

Conclusion

There is a need for multisectoral organisations to evaluate the involvement of different stakeholders and identify the implementation challenges they may be experiencing so as to improve the effectiveness in addressing the issue of GBV. There is a need for increased financial and other resources for effective implementation of GBV-related laws to achieve the desired results. Among others, systemic reforms to improve resource allocation and strengthen accountability mechanisms, as well as procedural reforms that expedite the justice delivery process are critical to making the implementation of GBV-related laws more effective in Nigeria.

Overview

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