Discussion
Our study found that 8% of CLSA participants used home care services within the previous 12 months, with large variations in use by functional ability. Our unadjusted analysis found significant variations in home care use by sex, gender, income, rurality, immigration history, social support and education. However, after adjusting for health status factors related to home care need, only income, immigration history, education and social support were associated with significant differences in home care use. In general, we found that participants with greater income and education were more likely to use home care, recent immigrants were less likely to use home care compared with earlier immigrants and non-immigrants, and those with less social support were more likely to use home care.
Our unadjusted analysis showed declines in home care use as income increased across all functional status levels. These findings are consistent with other Canadian studies using home care survey data.5 However, adjusting for health status variables largely reversed this trend, resulting in a positive gradient in home care use that increased with income in the no and mild functional impairment groups. One potential explanation of this finding is that individuals living in lower-income neighbourhoods have less access to home care, an issue known to exist for other care services.44 Another explanation is that those with higher incomes are more likely to purchase private home care. It has been estimated that a quarter to a third of home care in Ontario is privately purchased,6 45 and other studies have found that private home care use is dependent on income.16 22 46 These studies suggest that higher income individuals may be using private home care services to top up publicly funded services or, having become dissatisfied with publicly funded services, solely use private care.21 This may explain in part the inconsistency we observed in the relationship between income and home care use in the highest functional impairment strata. These individuals would have been far more likely to be eligible for publicly funded care, reducing the opportunities for ability to pay to influence access. High levels of unmet home care need paired with a large private home care industry exacerbates income-based health inequalities, allowing those who can afford to pay to exhibit more autonomy in how and where they age.9 21 47
Our unadjusted analysis also found that home care use was more likely among those with lower education compared with higher education, which is also corroborated by other studies.20 25 However, when we adjusted for home care need, we once again found that the trend reversed and that home care use was more likely with higher levels of education compared with lower education. While income and education are related variables, there are separate mechanisms through which lower education may be associated with less access. For example, individuals with higher levels of education have greater health literacy, are better able to navigate the health system, have a greater awareness of available services and have established networks that increase their ability to gain access.48 49
Both our unadjusted and adjusted analyses found significant differences in home care use between recent immigrants when compared with earlier immigrants and non-immigrants. Our findings align with other studies which have found that immigrants have greater unmet home care need than non-immigrants50and corroborate the differences in home care use between recent and earlier immigrants.51 Disparities in home care use between recent immigrants and non-immigrants may be due to linguistic barriers, cultural differences, great availability of informal care and a lack of information about accessing and navigating services.51 52 Immigrants are also disadvantaged in their financial status relative to non-immigrants as both the Canada Pension Plan or Old Age Security pension are dependent on years spent in the country.53 54 Earlier immigrants may overcome these barriers as they gain information about available services, widen their social networks, receive assistance with navigating healthcare from their children and have greater opportunity in developing their financial safety net.52
Previous studies have found that women and females are more likely to use home care than men and males.5 26 In our adjusted analysis, we did not find a significant difference in home care use between women and men or females and males. This disparity with some of the published literature may be due to our cohort being younger and healthier than other studies, our inclusion of privately paid care and our decision to control for living alone, a gender-related variable that increases dependence on formal home care services, in our adjusted models. However, stratifying our results by sex revealed some differences in which variables were associated with home care use. Our findings suggested that income and immigration history were more influential among females, while education was more influential for males. Other studies have found that women are more likely to be dependent on self-financed home care, which may account for the sex and income-based differences observed in our study.22 26 Differences in use might also be attributed to women being more likely to be widowed or live alone, more likely to be a caregiver and more often reliant on their children for informal support rather than their partner.15 55
Our study reveals potential inequalities in the distribution and access of home care resources. While we found disparities by income, immigration, education and social support, inequalities may also be present across other factors, and public-funded home care policy and planning must be mindful of the complex needs, challenges and barriers that different demographics face. Cost-related barriers, such as co-payments, are intended to limit unnecessary or overuse of resources but discourage use and result in greater inequalities,56 leaving many abandoned to take care of their own needs, turn to informal care, or private care if they can afford to.21 57 Increasing the general funding envelope for home care while lowering the eligibility threshold for public services could reduce cost barriers by limiting the number of individuals who would benefit from home care but are ineligible for public care and thus reliant on privately purchased care.58 Basic income or national long-term care insurance may also address the unexpected costs and challenges associated with home care services and retirement.59
Strengths and limitations
The strengths of our study include the use of individual-level health status information, reporting of home care use across varying equity stratifiers, use of a large nationally representative sample and inclusion of privately paid home care. However, our study has limitations. First, many of our health status variables were self-reported and subject to recall bias. Second, our outcome was a simple measure of whether an individual received home care and did not consider the hours of care received. Third, although the sample size is large, there was a lack of diversity in immigration history (<2% recent immigrants), population group (<5% non-white) and gender (<1% gender diverse), which produced large confidence intervals and limits our ability to detect significant differences between these groups. While a cross-sectional design was the most appropriate for our research question, future research using a longitudinal design would be helpful to explore the effects of differential home care use on prospective health outcomes.