Introduction
Cardiovascular disease (CVD) mortality has decreased in many high-income countries in recent decades. At the population level, secular declines and differences in CVD mortality between population groups have, in addition to improvements in medical treatment,1 been attributed to improvements in a few established risk factors, such as tobacco smoking, physical inactivity, total cholesterol levels and high systolic blood pressure.2 Meanwhile, socioeconomic inequalities have persisted in CVD and other non-communicable diseases. This has been observed while effective medical treatment and ambitious preventive programmes have been introduced targeting to reach all population groups.3 4
Although CVD mortality has declined in all social groups due to reduced CVD risk factors, healthier lifestyle, better living standards and technological advancements in diagnostics and treatment, the excess burden due to socioeconomic inequalities is substantial and persists across modern welfare states providing publicly funded healthcare and social security benefits to its inhabitants.4 It has been suggested that underlying individual factors may have become more important for the health inequalities in modern welfare states and several explanations may be important. First, intergenerational social mobility in many high-income countries has resulted in social groups becoming more heterogeneous with respect to individual differences, especially in education.5 Second, couples tend to mate increasingly based on similar educational and cognitive background.6 Third, with increased availability of energy-dense foods in modern societies and passive transportation, individuals are left with more responsibility in terms of healthy lifestyle choices.
Some of these underlying factors may be measured, such as cognitive ability.7 8 Others are difficult to measure but may still vary systematically between social groups. The influence of these factors on the risk of diseases may be more subtle than baseline measurements of risk factors alone can estimate, as they may capture the lifelong effect of risk factors and possibly explain more of the social gradient.9–11 This individual variation may differ between socioeconomic groups, and better knowledge is important from a public health policy point of view because general preventive measures against CVD may increase inequalities if they rely too much on individual resources, such as cognitive or other non-cognitive skills.
We aimed to quantify how much these risk factors account for future risk of CVD mortality as well as how much risk they do not account for, referred to as unexplained variation, by using frailty models in survival models.12 The frailty parameter can be considered as unobserved heterogeneity because it represents an estimate of variation that has not been explained by measured covariates included in the frailty model.13 The literature on frailty models, particularly in recent reviews, offers insightful perspectives on their application and development. Balan and Putter14 contributed to the understanding of these models, emphasising their significance and utility in statistical analyses. Rubio et al15 applied frailty models to address individual heterogeneity arising from factors such as smoking habits. The authors also provided a review on the use of frailty models, highlighting their importance in capturing variations in survival data that standard models might not adequately address.15 In our context, by fitting a frailty model that includes established CVD risk factors, the variation estimated by a frailty parameter may indicate differences in risk between individuals that go beyond measured cardiovascular risk factors, thus measuring individual heterogeneity.12 We investigated if the variation in the additional unexplained CVD mortality risk differs systematically across levels of education.