Introduction
Access to effective healthcare is an important determinant of health and is thus instrumental to health improvement.1 Moreover, equity in access to healthcare is a core component of assessments of health system performance and represents one of the main targets of Sustainable Development Goal 3 (SDG 3).2 Given the complexities involved in capturing data on access to healthcare, it is frequently measured by a proxy variable based on information on whether an individual seeks or forgoes healthcare when it is needed. The overall unmet need for healthcare can be measured from clinical information (eg, medical records or clinical assessments) or may be self-reported. Subjective unmet need can be evaluated by the results of population surveys that provide insights into the extent of inequity in the system. These surveys are particularly effective if this measure is complemented by healthcare utilisation data3 that provide additional understanding of the perceived barriers to access to healthcare services.
Historically, the concept of unmet need has been anchored in the standard WHO Universal Health Coverage approach that includes three-dimensions: population coverage, service coverage and cost coverage.4 Thus, unmet need could arise because of deficiencies in coverage associated with any or all of these three-dimensions. For example, specific individuals might be excluded from statutory coverage and some services might be excluded from statutory service packages. Additional costs (eg, user charges, extra billing and/or informal payments) could create shortcomings in overall cost coverage. Most recently, researchers have added a fourth-dimension to the existing theoretical paradigm that focuses on service access.4 Accordingly, gaps in access to healthcare services might also relate to the physical availability of services, the inability to obtain services and the attitude of the provider, among other issues.4
Based on their analysis of data from the European Union Statistics on Income and Living Conditions (EU-SILC), the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development reported that 3.2% of the respondents did not receive healthcare when it was needed.5 Moreover, the survey data revealed a significant variation in the extent of unmet need with a clear East-West divide. Similar results emerged from an analysis of the European Health Interview Survey (EHIS). Of note, the EHIS results indicated that affordability is one of the main reasons for experiencing unmet need in Europe. Similarly, patients in the USA also experience unmet need for healthcare; the extent of unmet need for physician and preventative services in the USA has increased over time. Hawks et al6 analysed data from 1998 until 2017 and concluded that the extent of unmet need for physicians and preventative services in the USA increased by 2.7 percentage points during this interval (from 11.4% in 1998 to 15.7% in 2017).
The main reasons underlying the extent of reported unmet need in Sweden and Canada are lower socioeconomic status (proxied by poverty rates) and financial conditions.7–9 In the USA, individuals who lack health insurance are more likely to forgo healthcare when it is needed.10 In addition to individual and household level correlates, macroeconomic variables (eg, economic shocks and crises) can also explain the extent of unmet need.11
Russian Federation—institutional framework and overview of healthcare outcomes
The Russian Federation is determined to achieve SDG Target 3.8 which entails equal access to high-quality essential healthcare services without imposing a financial burden on households.12 Most Russians (99%) are covered by nationwide obligatory medical insurance (OMI). The remaining 1% includes prisoners and military personnel who are covered by government programmes with the same benefits package as those provided by OMI.13 The OMI benefits package is comprehensive and includes outpatient and inpatient care, medications (according to a list specified by federal and regional government agencies) and tertiary care provided primarily in federal healthcare settings. A substantial fraction of these benefits is funded by general federal and regional budgets.14 The OMI rollout (beginning in 1993) led to increases in public spending on healthcare, although minimal when adjusted for inflation.15 This is among the factors that explain why approximately two-fifths of the total healthcare expenditures in Russia are out-of-pocket (OOP). While these OOP healthcare costs were markedly smaller than those reported in India, they are comparable to those reported in Brazil and China.16–19 Nevertheless, it is important to note that healthcare expenditures in Russia (in real US dollars, purchasing power parity) are much higher now, relative to the early 2000s.16
The last few years have been marked by a few notable reforms. The government of Russia initiated an ambitious plan to improve primary healthcare (PHC) to offer its citizens enhanced preventative healthcare services, including medical check-ups and screenings. In the Russian Federation, the multispecialty, publicly-owned polyclinic is a major provider of PHC. The capacity of the polyclinics varies from 100 000 to 120 000 individuals served in the larger cities to fewer than 15 000 in smaller towns and rural areas. Polyclinics provide preventative services as well as primary and specialty care for patients with chronic diseases.20 Over the last decade, the scope of preventative services offered at the polyclinics has increased due to a large-scale federal programme referred to as ‘dispensarisation’.20 This programme has already successfully achieved some important goals. For example, in 2015, 60–80% of all new cancer cases were identified at the first or second stage.21 This achievement has been accompanied by reductions in the use of inpatient care and hospital beds as well as a decrease in the average length of hospital stay.22
During the past two decades, the Russian Federation has also experienced a significant reduction in premature mortality and an overall increase in life expectancy.23 Of particular note, substantial reductions in mortality were experienced by the working-age population (15–60 years of age) accompanied by a considerable reduction at age 60 years and older.24 25 These improvements were the result of changes in behavioural risks as well as improvements in the Russian healthcare system. For example, the changes in federal alcohol policies led to a significant reduction in alcohol poisoning.26–28 The observed reduction in mortality rates during this period is also partly attributable to the reduction in the prevalence of smoking, which has been decreasing since 2007.29 Reduction in mortality due to tuberculosis has also been observed.30
Literature review on unmet needs in the Russian Federation
Despite these improvements, challenges remain. Preventable and treatable mortality in the Russian Federation remains higher than the lowest rates reported among EU nations.31 Excess mortality due to the coronavirus disease-2019 (COVID-19) pandemic was particularly extreme32 which may be attributed to an unsatisfactory healthcare system. These findings can be coupled with existing evidence suggesting that many individuals living in the Russian Federation still forgo healthcare when it is needed. As but one example, Nikoloski et al33 measured the extent of unmet need based on results from the Russia Longitudinal Monitoring Survey (RLMS). As might be anticipated, the prevalence of unmet need was higher among the poorer segments of the population. Moreover, the extent of unmet need was highest for dental care and pharmaceuticals. Similarly, Balabanova et al34 evaluated nationally-representative data collected in 2001 and reported that 11.3% of respondents had to forgo medical services frequently and 27.4% had to forgo such services sometimes. Likewise, 16.8% of respondents reported that they were never able to obtain medications and 32.0% reported that they could not obtain them sometimes.34 In a follow-up study, Balabanova et al35 reported that Russians were less likely to forgo healthcare than were inhabitants of countries that emerged from the former Soviet Union (Amernia, Azerbaijan, Georgia, Kazakhstan, Moldova and Ukraine); these findings echoed results from several studies that had focused exclusively on Russia.36 Nonetheless, although the proportion of individuals has decreased over time, the poor and rural populations of the Russian Federation continue to forgo medications.37 While financial difficulty is reported as the main reason for forgoing healthcare, Balabanova et al34 highlighted several additional reasons, including self-treatment, purchase of pharmaceuticals without a prescription, long wait times to see a healthcare professional and a lack of trust in staff qualifications. Furthermore, despite significant investments in the healthcare sector in recent years, Russians continue to describe the quality of care as poor which most likely has a substantial impact on care-seeking behaviour.38 Russians remain dissatisfied with healthcare services because of the long wait times, the limited availability of modern medical equipment and medications, as well as the availability and quality of medical personnel.39