Original Research | Published: 17 February 2024
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How much does government’s short-term response matter for explaining cross-country variation in COVID-19 infection outcomes? A regression-based relative importance analysis of 84 countries

https://doi.org/10.1136/bmjph-2023-000032

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Abstract

Objective We study the predetermined characteristics of countries in addition to their government non-pharmaceutical interventions (NPIs) to shed light on the correlates of the variation in COVID-19 infection outcomes across countries.

Methods and analysis We conduct a systematic investigation of the validity of government responses in 84 countries by gradually adding the predetermined cultural, natural and socioeconomic factors of each country using a fixed-effect model and daily panel data. A relative importance analysis is conducted to isolate the contribution of each variable to the R2 of the model.

Results Government NPIs are effective in containing the virus spread and explain approximately 9% of the variations in the pandemic outcomes. COVID-19 is more prevalent in countries that are more individual-oriented or with a higher gross domestic product (GDP) per capita, while a country’s government expenditure on health as a proportion of GDP and median age are negatively associated with the infection outcome. The SARS-CoV-2 lifecycle and the impacts of other unobserved factors together explain more than half of the variation in the prevalence of COVID-19 across countries. The degree of individualism explains 9.30% of the variation, and the explanatory power of the other socioeconomic factors is less than 4% each.

Conclusion The COVID-19 infection outcomes are correlated with multivariate factors, ranging from state NPIs, culture-influenced human behaviours, geographical conditions and socioeconomic conditions. As expected, the stronger or faster are the government responses, the lower is the level of infections. In the meantime, many other factors underpin a major part of the variation in the control of COVID-19. As such, from a scientific perspective, it is important that country-specific conditions are taken into account when evaluating the impact of NPIs in order to conduct more cost-effective policy interventions.

What is already known on this topic

  • Previous studies have evaluated the role of government non-pharmaceutical interventions in containing the COVID-19 virus spread and proved that many natural, cultural and socioeconomic factors are major influencing factors of the transmission outcomes.

What this study adds

  • This study provides new insights into the relative roles of countries’ intrinsic attributes and government short-term response in explaining the disparities observed in containing the spread of the virus across countries.

  • Government non-pharmaceutical interventions are effective in containing the virus spread and explain approximately 9% of the variations in the pandemic outcomes.

  • The SARS-CoV-2 lifecycle and the impacts of other unobserved factors together explain more than half of the variation in the prevalence of COVID-19 across countries.

  • The degree of individualism explains 9.30% of the variation, and the explanatory power of the other socioeconomic factors is less than 4% each.

How this study might affect research, practice or policy

  • In recognising the significant impact of the non-pharmaceutical interventions, it is essential to acknowledge that attributing the cross-country variation in COVID-19 infection outcomes solely to governmental actions would oversimplify the complex correlation of these country-specific traits, which could hinder effective pandemic control and prevention in the future.

  • Noting that COVID-19 has demonstrated how vulnerable life is and how much our short-term interventions could make a difference, we human beings can be humbler and become more resilient in our ways moving forward to live on this planet.

Introduction

Coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) was declared a global pandemic by the WHO in March 2020. As of February 2023, there are more than 6.88 million deaths attributed to COVID-19, making it one of the deadliest pandemics in modern history. Despite the widespread implementation of effective medical interventions and preventive measures worldwide, there are significant disparities in the infection outcomes and time trends across countries, with some reported less than 400 confirmed cases per million, while others reported over 600 000 per million. More than 3 years after the onset of the pandemic, the war against COVID-19 is not over yet, as variants of SARS-CoV-2 continues to pose challenges to public health and desperate the healthcare system. In terms of high policy relevance, it is imperative to identify the main factors impacting the cross-country variation in the spread of the virus. This study aims to investigate the relative role of government’s short-term interventions and other unobservable forces in contributing to COVID-19 pandemic outcomes and their variations across countries.

During the early stage of the pandemic, mostly in 2020, the control of COVID-19 largely relied on government non-pharmaceutical interventions (NPIs hereafter) due to the lack of SARS-CoV-2-specific antiviral medication and the not yet widespread use of the vaccine. The NPIs cover a range of government responses, with the most commonly applied being travel restrictions, public gathering bans, stay-at-home orders, etc. The importance of a swift and stringent government response has been well addressed by previous research efforts. For instance, Hale et al identify that a lower level of stringency of the containment and closure policies and a longer response time were associated with more deaths caused by COVID-19.1 Fang et al provide a causal interpretation of the effectiveness of the lockdown policy launched in Wuhan in reducing the spread of COVID-19 to other cities.2 Government interventions such as large-scale border closures, lockdowns and testing are also found to be significantly associated with increased patient recovery rates.3 However, isolation and other protective measures could become less effective as the number of cases increases.4 An analysis based on 54 nations during a 30-day period of government intervention shows that the cross-nation variations in virus containment outcomes cannot be explained by the stringency of government responses, but acknowledges the importance of timely government intervention.5 As a result, COVID-19 infection outcomes, such as confirmed cases, hospitalisations and fatalities, were frequently used as benchmarks to assess the effectiveness of government responses during the early stage of the pandemic.

Differences in governmental policy responses may explain some of the variations in the cross-country pandemic outcomes, since the NPIs implemented by different countries vary greatly in their response speed and stringency levels, depending on their specific resources, cultures and laws.6–10 Meanwhile, people from different countries could react differently to government interventions. For example, while Singapore implemented strict containment and closure policies, with which most of the citizens complied, in countries such as Spain, the USA and the UK, the citizens broke out in protests over the stringent responses to the COVID-19 pandemic. Additionally, the impacts of natural conditions,11 12 socioeconomic factors11–16 and culture on the infection outcomes have been widely explored.5 17 In that case, attributing the cross-country variation in COVID-19 infection outcomes solely to governmental actions would oversimplify the complex correlation of these country-specific traits, which could hinder effective pandemic control and prevention in the future.

From a global perspective, why have NPIs with similar levels of stringency ended up with different outcomes across countries and regions in terms of infection rates? To what extent do other country-specific attributes also play a role in explaining the differences in pandemic outcomes? To answer these questions, we study the predetermined characteristics of countries in addition to their NPIs to shed light on the correlates of the variations in COVID-19 transmission outcomes across countries. In essence, recognising the diversity of global contexts in which such crises unfold would contribute to crafting effective strategies for future public health crisis.

Materials and methods

Study design

We construct a daily panel recording government policy responses and the cumulative number of confirmed cases of COVID-19 since the outbreak of the pandemic. In this study, we define the country-specific time at which COVID-19 broke out as the event day when the cumulative confirmed cases reached 1 per million people, and the earliest date is 26 January 2020. To rule out any impact from direct medical interventions, we truncate the time-series data for modelling at 20 December 2020, when the world COVID-19 vaccination rate statistics started to count at 1/10 000 residents.18 To minimise any possible outlier bias, we limit the samples to countries with populations greater than 5 million and having data available on all the variables of interest, yielding 84 countries with 23 635 observations.

There are several reasons why our study focuses on the government’s short-term NPIs at the early stage of the pandemic. First, extensive research has consistently demonstrated that the government’s prompt response is of high importance in the early stage of pandemics, given the exponential progression of infections.19–21 In addition, by analysing data prior to the widespread introduction of any effective vaccination, the study design rules out any impact from direct medical interventions and enables us to focus only on the government NPIs.

Moreover, observational studies focusing on the impact of policy stringency on an ongoing pandemic usually face the challenge of reverse causality.22 A strong policy may help prevent the spread of COVID-19, presenting a negative association between government response and confirmed cases. On the other hand, the increasing cases or deaths may trigger stronger policy responses, thus showing a positive relationship between the two indicators if the policy stringency variable is time variant.

A myriad of studies employed parametric approaches to tackle the endogenous issue in various ways, including using a time lag of policy variables in regression models or constructing a counterfactual scenario through a difference-in-differences approach or synthetic control method.1 2 19 20 22–24 Others use semi-mechanistic or mechanistic models to infer transmission rates or reproduction numbers, such as Bayesian hierarchical models.25–27 For a study using a time-varying government response index from the same data source of our study, although measures were adopted to mitigate estimation bias due to endogeneity, it remains a concern when assessing the long-term policy effectiveness.28

We overcome some of the limitations by constructing the country-level NPIs as time invariant indices based on government responses before the outbreak of the pandemic, which contributes to the existing literature by offering a different perspective on the measurements of NPIs. One other advantage is that, by making the policy indices consistent with other natural, cultural and socioeconomic factors as country variant but time invariant variables, the relative importance analysis allows for a more pertinent comparison of the relative explanatory power of each factor.

Variables and data sources

COVID-19 prevalence: We use cumulative confirmed cases per million people to measure the prevalence of COVID-19 because it is a direct result of the government responses on which we focus. The main source of data on the pandemic is the Our World in Data database, which contains daily updated COVID-19 data compiled by the Center for Systems Science and Engineering at Johns Hopkins University.29Table 1 provides descriptive statistics on COVID-19 prevalence and other variables of interest.

Table 1
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Descriptive statistics

Some other studies on policy and institutional impact use the mortality rate or case fatality rate (CFR) to measure the health outcome of the pandemic.1 3 30–32 Instead, we use the infection rate, for three reasons. First, the number of confirmed cases is a direct result of the government responses on which we focus, while the number of deaths or CFR reflects the indirect result of preventive measures plus the impact of medical intervention. The purpose of government NPIs is to prevent the spread of COVID-19. Pharmaceutical interventions aim to minimise the number of deaths from COVID-19 among those who are infected, which relies more on a country’s level of medical capacity and investment.

Second, we believe that the number of confirmed cases is a more accurate measure of the outbreak of the pandemic across countries, since it generates less bias and best suits our purpose to evaluate the impact of governments’ non-pharmaceutical responses, which are mostly preventive measures. It must be admitted that due to the differences in testing capacity and reporting methodologies across countries, the variation in the number of confirmed cases may not reflect that of the actual infected cases. However, measurement of the number of deaths also suffers from problems in the attribution of the cause of death, in addition to the problems with testing and reporting.29 For example, COVID-19 can lead to complications, such as pneumonia or acute respiratory distress syndrome, which ultimately cause death and the requirements on how to report the cause of death vary across countries.29 Given that CFR is defined as the number of confirmed deaths divided by the number of confirmed cases, it suffers from biases in both the numerator and the denominator.

Government response: We evaluate the influence of government response from two dimensions: stringency and reaction speed, using data from the Oxford COVID-19 Government Response Tracker.33 We use 12 specific policies to evaluate government response to the health crisis, with 4 focusing on health systems (public information campaigns, testing policy, contact tracing and facial coverings) and 8 on containment and closure policies (school closure, workplace closure, public events cancellation, restrictions on gatherings, public transport closure, stay-at-home requirements, restrictions on internal movements and international travel controls), as presented in (online supplemental table S1). We compile the 12 indicators into a policy value and define the Stringency Index as the maximum policy value before the outbreak of the pandemic in each country to indicate government response stringency. A higher value of the index represents a more stringent government response. The Stringency Index ranges from 0 to 86.11, with a mean of 38.94.

To measure the speed of government response, we use the number of days since a country recorded its first confirmed case until its policy value reached 39, the average value of the Stringency Index, to define the government’s reaction speed.1 All the countries in our sample have reached a policy value of 39 at some point, which took 20 days on average and varies between 1 and 56 days.

Natural conditions: We include a set of continental indicators to capture the inherited natural characteristics of a country.

Socioeconomic conditions: The most recent data available on per capita gross domestic product (GDP) expressed in constant 2011 international dollars (purchasing power parity), government health expenditure as a proportion of GDP and median age are taken from the World Bank and United Nations Population Division.34 35

Cultural conditions: To examine the role of culture, we employ the widely used individualism-collectivism index by Hofstede.36 37 It measures how people in a society see themselves as an autonomous entity or integrated into groups on a 0–100 scale, with larger numbers being more individualistic. Hofstede quantifies nations’ characters on each value dimension that shapes the ideology and behaviour of the citizens. Among the six dimensions, the individualism-collectivism dimension is the one with the greatest predicted power and it best reflects the cross-national difference in behaviours of the government and the people facing a pandemic.38–40 The mean value in our sample is 37.64 table 1.

We are aware that plenty of other factors are used in the analysis of the risk factors of COVID-19 at the micro and macro levels. For instance, studies have reported that wider COVID-19 spread and higher mortality can be associated with having multiple comorbidities.31 41 42 Nonetheless, given the limited number of countries in our sample and for interpretation convenience, we include only the most representative indicators to capture a general picture of each country’s natural, cultural and socioeconomic characteristics.

Statistical analysis

We apply a fixed-effect model by regressing the cumulative cases per million in each country every day since the outbreak on the Stringency Index and speed measure and other correlates using the population size of each country as the weight. We use the natural log transformation of the dependent variable to account for the exponential epidemic growth curve and control a group of independent variables at the country level. Given the time invariant nature of our variables of interest, we were unable to include a country fixed effect as it would absorb the effects of the independent variables.

Since the spread of the virus evolved at different paces across countries, to make the outcome comparable, we define the time-series as the days since the cumulative confirmed cases reached 1 per million people in each country and control the fixed effect of day. The day fixed effect captures the common elements of the SARS-CoV-2 lifecycle and routes of infection that are related to the underlying pathobiology of COVID-19. Much attention in the field of medical research has been drawn to the clinical manifestations and transmission dynamics of the disease. The scientific evidence contributes to the global understanding of the pandemic and decision- making on contact tracing measures across the world; thus, many countries have followed similar protocols to combat the pandemic. For example, based on the epidemiological research results, the disease control and prevention guidelines of the WHO, the USA, the European Union and China all adopted the standard of 2 days prior to the onset of symptoms as the starting time of the contact elicitation window.43–46

We also control the date fixed effect to capture any unobserved external shock on certain calendar dates along the timeline that marks every step of the evolution of the pandemic through 2020. The mechanism of such effect is usually unquantifiable but captures the common influences of the progress of the pandemic and people’s behaviour. For instance, on 6 July 2020, the journal Clinical Infectious Diseases published an open letter from 239 scientists around the world, urging health agencies to recognise the potential for the airborne spread of COVID-19, followed by the WHO’s updated scientific brief on 9 July.47 48 Such information has travelled across the globe every day and imposed imperceptible and unobtrusive influences on the attitudes and behaviours of governments and citizens, and further acts on the transmission outcomes. The date fixed effect captures those heterogeneities, which are time variant.

We further analyse the relative importance of the NPIs and other influencing factors in explaining the cross-country variation in the COVID-19 infection outcomes.49–51 Since correlation may exist between the independent variables, the relative degree of importance of each variable cannot be obtained directly. Thus, we conduct an analysis to isolate the contribution of each independent variable to the R2 of the model. The relative importance analysis, also known as dominance analysis, compares and ranks the additional contribution each independent variable makes to the variance explained by all the possible subset models. Although studies analysing the direct effects of government responses on the pandemic spread highlight the significance of the NPIs, to our knowledge, the relative explanatory power of other factors in explaining the different outcomes across countries has not previously been given enough attention.

Patient and public involvement

Patients or members of the public were not directly involved in this research study.

Results

We first explore whether variations in NPI stringency or speed are associated with the cumulative number of confirmed cases per million people. Figure 1 A shows that a lower Stringency Index until the pandemic outbreak since the first confirmed cases in each country is associated with a higher level of prevalence of COVID-19, suggesting that intensive government response at the early stage before the outbreak could be important in preventing the spread of the virus. Figure 1 B illustrates a positive correlation between the cumulative cases per million people and the days taken to reach the average maximum Stringency Index before the outbreak. It indicates that a longer delay in taking action is associated with more severe infection outcomes.

Figure 1
Figure 1

Correlation between cumulative cases per million and government response. NPI, non-pharmaceutical intervention.

Regression results

We further investigate the impacts of the government responses and each factor on the transmission outcome of COVID-19 using the regression model. In table 2, column 1 shows the result of the benchmark regression in which only day and date fixed effects are controlled. Column 2 further adds the Stringency Index and speed measure. Column 3 employs the continent dummy variables as the natural factor, with Africa as the baseline. Columns 4 and 5 present the results when gradually adding the socioeconomic variables and the Individualism Index.

Table 2
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Correlates of COVID-19 infection outcomes across countries

The R2 of 0.531 in column 1 indicates that the variation in the prevalence of COVID-19 in each country can be largely explained by the SARS-CoV-2 lifecycle and the impact of other unobserved factors that are time variant but country invariant. By adding the Stringency Index and speed measure, the R2 in column 2 sharply increases to 0.701, which implies that there exist significant policy effects on the prevalence of COVID-19 across countries. With the inclusion of continental dummy variables, the R2 further increases to 0.821 and it gradually increases to 0.861 when socioeconomic and cultural factors are taken into consideration.

The coefficients of the government Stringency Index and speed measure are statistically significant at the 0.01 level in all specifications, which indicates the robustness of the impact of the NPIs on preventing the spread of the virus. The results of the specification with all the factors suggest that on average across all the countries in our sample, an increase in the Stringency Index by 1 is associated with a 0.012% reduction in the cumulative confirmed cases per million, while each additional day of delay in reaching the average maximum Stringency Index before the outbreak corresponds to 0.004% more cumulative confirmed cases per million, holding other variables constant. In other words, a country that responded 1-month later than others would experience and increase of 0.12% in confirmed cases per million. Compared with the estimates of the coefficients in column 2, the impact of government response stringency with all other variables controlled decreases by 55.6% and the scale of the response speed coefficient decreases by 90.5%, meaning that the impacts of government responses can be diluted by the predetermined attributes of a country.

Countries in Asia, Europe, North America and South America report higher confirmed cases per million people. The estimated coefficient of GDP per capita is significantly positive. With the GDP per capita controlled, government expenditure on health as a proportion of GDP and median age are negatively associated with the infection outcome. From the cultural perspective, COVID-19 is more prevalent in countries that are more individual-oriented. Robustness checks with the redefined Stringency Index, natural factors and cultural factors are presented in the (online supplemental appendix and table S2). We replace continents with latitude to reflect the influence of natural factors, use the category of civilisations instead of the Individualism Index to represent culture52 and include countries’ current BCG vaccination policy as an additional independent variable. The major results from the robustness checks remain well consistent and further support our findings.

Relative importance analysis

In this subsection, we disentangle the contributions of the variables of interest to the R2. Table 3 presents the relative importance analysis results based on the regression using the model specification in column 5 of table 2 for which the R2 is 0.861. The results show that the most powerful explanatory variables are the day and date fixed effects, suggesting that regardless of country-specific conditions, the pandemic’s common effects worldwide by calendar date and days since the outbreak together account for more than half of the variation in the infection outcomes. The continent of location has the third-highest relative importance in the contribution to explaining the R2. The explanatory power of the degree of individualism alone surpasses that of the NPIs and explains 9.30% of the variation. The contributions of the two NPI indicators, the Stringency Index and speed measure, rank fifth and nineth among the indicators of interest and together explain 8.78% of the variation in COVID-19 infection outcomes across countries. The respective contribution to the R2 of each socioeconomic indicator of a country is less than 4%.

Table 3
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Relative importance of the correlates of COVID-19 infection outcomes

Discussion

Using data on daily updated cumulative confirmed COVID-19 cases in 84 countries in 2020, we explored the impact of the NPIs during the early stage of the pandemic. The results show that different NPIs led to significant differences in pandemic spread outcomes across countries: the stronger or faster the responses, the lower the level of infections. Findings from the relative importance analysis suggest that a swift and stringent government response at the early stage partly explains the success in preventing the spread of the virus in some countries. Specially, we found that government NPIs explain around 9% of the variations.

Nevertheless, the variation in the pandemic outcomes could be largely attributed to the SARS-CoV-2 lifecycle, the impact of other unobserved factors that are time variant but country invariant and other predetermined natural, cultural and socioeconomic factors. More than half of the variations in the pandemic outcomes can be attributed to the SARS-CoV-2 lifecycle and other unobserved factors. Among those factors, countries’ cultural, geographical and socioeconomic factors together contribute 34.2% to the explanatory power.

Natural conditions have been proven to be a major correlate. Our finding from the regression estimates on continents could be attributed to higher actual infection rates in these continents or fewer tested or reported cases in Africa. It has also been argued that Africa’s long-standing experience with infectious diseases paid off during the COVID-19 pandemic.13 Zeberg and Pääbo identify that around 50% of people in South Asia and around 16% of people in Europe inherited the major genetic risk factor for severe COVID-19 from the Neanderthals, whereas the risk haplotype is almost absent in East Asia and Africa.16 Laboratory studies,53 epidemiological studies54 and mathematical modelling55 point to the roles of ambient temperature and humidity in the survival and transmission of viruses. Including the continent variable also helps to mitigate the omission bias caused by the failure to capture the different geographical impacts.

We regard culture as significant in evaluating the effectiveness of the NPIs because it shapes the collective will of the citizens, which will be reflected by government actions and people’s attitudes and behaviours when facing government intervention under a public health emergency. Even under the same level of policy stringency, some countries performed better in containing the spread of the virus by closely following the government’s instructions, which can be partially attributed to a culture of greater obedience.17 56 Our results show that COVID-19 is more prevalent in countries that are more individual-oriented, possibly indicating a trade-off in the price of infection between individual choice versus freedom in the short run. Specifically, people in an individualist society tend to value rights and autonomy over duties and obligations toward a group as compared with a collectivist society.57 58 The idea of individualism also underscores freedom of choice and self-resilience, while collectivism stresses conformity and in-group harmony.59 60 Previous research using the same cultural measures document that individualist cultures experienced more confirmed cases and deaths, with higher rates of increase, during the COVID-19 pandemic.5 10 It seems that although government action matters, the behaviours of fellow citizens are crucial for controlling the spread of viruses since policies such as facial coverings or restrictions on gatherings cannot be enforced by coercion.61–64

The correlations of socioeconomic factors on COVID-19 transmission are also encompassed in this study. Our finding verifies previous findings that countries with more developed economies have a higher level of interpersonal contact, which might predispose the population to infection.13 65 Government expenditure on health as a proportion of GDP is negatively associated with the number of confirmed cases per million, partly because it reveals the health system capacity and functionality from the perspective of pandemic control and resource allocation in advance of the pandemic. The significant negative association between median age and COVID-19 confirmed cases can be explained by the higher risk of exposure to the virus of the young people, since they need to interact with people at work or school.65

This study provides new insights into the relative roles of countries’ intrinsic attributes and government short-term response in explaining the disparities observed in containing the spread of the virus across countries. Exploring the explanatory power of those variables is instrumental in crafting effective strategies, optimising resource allocation and building resilience in the face of public health crises. Without taking the intrinsic attributes of a country into consideration, we may fail to recognise the roles of natural and cultural conditions while overestimating the impact of government NPIs. As the stringency increases, there could be large shrinkage in the marginal benefit of an additional level of policy intensity, while the concomitant marginal cost of containment and closure policy, including but not limited to economic cost, could skyrocket, making people less willing to comply. Therefore, tightening up could become increasingly less effective beyond a certain level.

It is important to recognise that the outcomes derived from the relative importance approach should be interpreted as the relative explanatory power of variables in elucidating disparities across countries, rather than serving as a direct measure of the effectiveness of NPIs. In other words, when countries adopt policies at similar levels of stringency and speed, variations in infection rates may arise from other contributing factors, making the relative explanatory power of NPIs appear to be small. Nonetheless, this does not negate the impact of government’ NPIs in mitigating substantial infection rates, particularly during the initial phase of the pandemic.

Our analysis is subject to limitations. First, we were unable to isolate the effect of any individual measure such as school closure or contact tracing, since many policies were introduced as a package. Studies examining data at a finer-grained administrative level would enable a more detailed analysis compared with the national level. Second, it is beyond the scope of this paper to gauge the effectiveness of policy easing and reimposition beyond the initial process of policy adoption. Third, it is crucial to note that this cross-country correlation analysis does not necessarily imply a causal relationship, but rather reports the correlates of the prevalence of COVID-19. Fourth, it should be emphasised that the day fix-effect could only capture the SARS-CoV-2 lifecycle, that is, common in all countries since the virus has undergone continuous adaptive diversification across geographical regions as it evolves.66

This finding is not a denial of the great contribution of the NPIs, nor do we mean to de-emphasize the significance of government capacity and policy enforcement in the fight against COVID-19. Rather, the results provide evidence of the significant impact of the NPIs, while recognising that the roles of natural, cultural and socioeconomic contexts could offer additional and important insights to help better optimise the human responses to current and future global health crises. Noting that COVID-19 has demonstrated how vulnerable life is and how much our short-term interventions could make a difference, we human beings can be humbler and become more resilient in our ways moving forward to live on this planet.